Overview
The Champaran Satyagraha of 1917 was Mahatma Gandhi's first satyagraha in India, fought for the indigo tenants of Champaran in Bihar against the tinkathia system, which forced them to grow indigo on three parts of every twenty of their land. Two campaigns followed in Gujarat in 1918. In the Ahmedabad mill strike Gandhi fasted for the first time to support the textile workers, and in the Kheda Satyagraha cultivators refused to pay land revenue after their crops failed. All three were local and non-violent, and each won a real gain for the people who protested.
Champaran, Kheda and Ahmedabad Satyagraha at a Glance (1917‑1918)
Champaran, Kheda and Ahmedabad: Dates, Chronology and Map
The Champaran Satyagraha began in April 1917, when Gandhi reached Patna on 10 April at the request of Raj Kumar Shukla and went on to Champaran, in the north of Bihar, to take up the cause of the indigo tenants. In 1918 he turned to his home region of Gujarat. He first took up a wage dispute in the textile mills of Ahmedabad in February and March, and the Kheda Satyagraha followed from March to June 1918, when cultivators who could not pay their land revenue after a failed harvest refused to pay it.
| When | Campaign and place | Who protested | What they won |
|---|---|---|---|
| April 1917 | Champaran Satyagraha, Champaran district, Bihar | Indigo tenants | Tinkathia abolished by the Champaran Agrarian Act; 25 per cent of illegal dues refunded |
| February to March 1918 | Ahmedabad mill strike, Ahmedabad, Gujarat | Textile mill workers | A 35 per cent wage increase |
| March to June 1918 | Kheda Satyagraha, Kheda district, Gujarat | Cultivators after crop failure | Revenue collected only from those able to pay |
On the map of India, Champaran lies in the north of Bihar along the Gandak, on the border with Nepal, while Ahmedabad and Kheda lie close together in Gujarat, far to the west. Lucknow and Banaras, where the story began in 1916, lie between them.
Why Gandhi Began with Peasants and Workers
Gandhi returned from South Africa with a method already tested there but little standing in Indian politics. Three steps took him from his return to the indigo fields of Champaran:
- 1915: He came back to India and, on the advice of his political mentor Gopal Krishna Gokhale, spent a year travelling around British India to learn the country.
- February 1916: At the opening of the Banaras Hindu University he charged the princes and philanthropists with neglecting the poor, and said that India's salvation could only come through the farmer, not through the lawyers, the doctors or the rich landlords.
- December 1916: At the Lucknow session of the Congress, a peasant from Champaran told him about the harsh treatment of cultivators by British indigo planters and persuaded him to come.
Behind these steps lay a clear aim. Indian nationalism at the time was largely a movement of lawyers, doctors and landlords, and Gandhi wanted to bring in the peasants and workers who made up most of the population.
Champaran Satyagraha 1917: Indigo Planters and the Tinkathia System
The Tinkathia System and the Indigo Grievance
In Champaran, European planters made their tenants grow indigo on three kathas out of every twenty, the katha being a local unit of land. The arrangement was called the tinkathia system, from teen kathia, meaning three kathas.
The system had been in force for about a century when Gandhi arrived, and the tenants carried three separate burdens:
- Forced cultivation: Part of every holding went to indigo for the planter, whatever the tenant would rather have grown.
- Fixed prices: The dye had to be sold to the planter at a price the planter set.
- Rents and illegal dues: When synthetic dyes made in Germany ruined the indigo market by the end of the nineteenth century, the planters raised rents and took illegal dues before tenants could switch to other crops.
The First World War briefly reversed the trend. German dyes stopped reaching India, indigo became profitable again, and many tenants were once more forced to grow it as their leases required. Bengal had seen the same grievance much earlier, in the Indigo Revolt of 1859 to 1862.
How Gandhi Reached Champaran: Raj Kumar Shukla and the Lucknow Congress
Gandhi did not go looking for Champaran. Raj Kumar Shukla, a cultivator from the district who had long worked against the tinkathia system, approached him at the Lucknow Congress of December 1916 and kept pressing him until he agreed to come. Gandhi reached Patna on 10 April 1917 and went on to Champaran, where he spent much of the year. His aim was to obtain for the peasants security of tenure, the assurance that they would not be turned off their land, as well as the freedom to grow the crops of their choice.
He did not work alone. Lawyers, teachers and young nationalists from Bihar and beyond joined him in recording the peasants' statements, and several of them became leading figures of the national movement:
- Rajendra Prasad, a lawyer at the Patna High Court, which he had joined in 1916.
- Brajkishore Prasad, who gave up his legal practice for the freedom struggle.
- Anugrah Narayan Sinha, who left his law practice to join the satyagraha.
- J. B. Kripalani, then a lecturer of English and history at Muzaffarpur.
- Mazharul Haq, Mahadev Desai and Narhari Parekh.
Champaran Movement: The Order to Leave and the Agrarian Act
The Champaran dispute was settled in five steps, without a single act of violence:
- Ordered out: When Gandhi reached Champaran, the authorities ordered him to leave the district at once.
- Refusal: He refused and said he was ready to accept the punishment. This open, peaceful defiance of an unjust order made Champaran his first civil disobedience in India.
- Inquiry allowed: The government backed down and let his inquiry go ahead.
- Committee: A government committee examined the grievances, with Gandhi as a member, and accepted that tinkathia should end and the peasants should be compensated.
- Settlement: The committee's findings became law as the Champaran Agrarian Act, and by 1918 the forced indigo system had been abolished. As a compromise, the planters refunded 25 per cent of the money taken, and within a decade they had left the area.
The larger result was political. For the first time, a peasant grievance was taken up by a leader of the national movement and won through non-violent means, and Gandhi rose as a leader of the masses. Champaran joined peasant unrest to the national movement.
Ahmedabad Mill Strike 1918: Gandhi's First Hunger Strike
The Plague Bonus Dispute and the 35 Per Cent Demand
In 1918 Gandhi was drawn into a dispute between the cotton mill owners of Ahmedabad and their workers. During a plague outbreak the owners had paid the workers a plague bonus, an extra payment during the epidemic. When they moved to withdraw it, the workers, facing high wartime prices, demanded a large rise in wages instead.
The workers were organised by Anasuya Sarabhai, a social worker whose brother Ambalal Sarabhai was among the leading mill owners, so the dispute ran through a single family. The positions were far apart:
- The weavers: Asked for a 50 per cent rise in wages.
- Gandhi's view: He judged a 35 per cent increase fair, advised the workers to strike for it, and asked them to stay non-violent.
- The mill owners: Offered only 20 per cent.
This dispute differed from Champaran in one important way. There was no colonial order to defy. The other side were Indian employers, from a family Gandhi knew well, and the aim was a fair settlement rather than a defeat for either side. Gandhi therefore asked for a rise he could defend as fair and insisted that the strike stay peaceful.
Gandhi's First Hunger Strike and the Textile Labour Association
The strike lasted about a month. Anasuya Sarabhai held daily mass meetings of the workers, which Gandhi addressed, and when their resolve began to weaken Gandhi went on a fast to strengthen it. It was his first hunger strike in India. The fast also put moral pressure on the mill owners, who knew Gandhi well, and they finally agreed to give the workers a 35 per cent increase in wages.
The dispute left a lasting institution. In 1920 the Ahmedabad Textile Labour Association, known in Gujarati as the Majoor Mahajan Sangh, was founded under Gandhi's guidance with Anasuya Sarabhai, whom Gandhi made its lifelong president. It is India's oldest union of textile workers, and it showed that satyagraha could serve industrial workers as well as peasants.
Kheda Satyagraha 1918: The Campaign Against Land Revenue
Crop Failure and the One-Fourth Remission Rule
In 1918 the crops failed in the Kheda district of Gujarat, and famine and plague made the cultivators' position worse. Under the revenue code, if the yield was less than one-fourth of the normal produce, the cultivators were entitled to a remission of land revenue. The yield had fallen that low, but the authorities refused to grant the remission and pressed for full payment, even after petitions reached the Governor of Bombay.
Gandhi took up the peasants' case and advised them to withhold the revenue. In March 1918 the cultivators pledged together not to pay and to bear the punishment calmly. The government seized cattle, cooking vessels and household goods, and in some villages the whole crop, but the peasants stayed non-violent. When their spirits sagged, Mohanlal Pandya led villagers to harvest onions from a confiscated field, which earned him the name "Onion Thief". Because it was a refusal to cooperate with the revenue administration, Kheda is remembered as the first non-cooperation.
Sardar Patel, Indulal Yagnik and the Quiet Settlement
Kheda brought a new generation of leaders to Gandhi:
- Vallabhbhai Patel: A successful lawyer, born at Nadiad in the Kheda district, who volunteered when Gandhi asked for a Gujarati to give himself wholly to the campaign. A decade later he led the Bardoli Satyagraha of 1928, after which Gandhi gave him the title of Sardar.
- Indulal Yagnik, Shankarlal Banker and Mahadev Desai: Among the others who toured the villages and organised the cultivators.
The government did not concede openly. Instead it issued secret instructions that revenue should be recovered only from those who could afford to pay, so that the poorest cultivators were spared, and the terms were settled in June 1918, after about two and a half months. The relief was partial and quiet, but the peasants had held together, the campaign had stayed non-violent, and the Patidars of the district had been drawn into disciplined resistance.
What the Early Satyagrahas Achieved for the National Movement
One Method Applied to Three Different Grievances
The three campaigns dealt with very different problems: A tenancy system at Champaran, a factory wage at Ahmedabad and a revenue demand at Kheda. The method did not change. In each, Gandhi began from a concrete local injustice, gathered the facts before he acted, kept the protest non-violent, and settled for a real but limited gain.
| Aspect | Champaran (1917) | Ahmedabad (February to March 1918) | Kheda (March to June 1918) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Grievance | Tinkathia and illegal dues | Withdrawal of the plague bonus | Revenue demanded despite crop failure |
| Protesters | Indigo tenants | Textile mill workers | Cultivators |
| Method | Refusal to leave; inquiry | Strike and Gandhi's fast | Agreement to withhold revenue |
| First of its kind | Civil disobedience | Hunger strike | Non-cooperation |
| Outcome | Tinkathia abolished; 25 per cent refund | 35 per cent wage rise | Revenue only from those able to pay |
| Leaders who emerged | Rajendra Prasad, J. B. Kripalani | Anasuya Sarabhai | Vallabhbhai Patel, Indulal Yagnik |
Seen together, the campaigns show how satyagraha worked in practice:
- Facts first: At Champaran the peasants' statements were recorded before any demand was made.
- A fair demand: A figure that could be defended, such as 35 per cent at Ahmedabad or the remission the revenue code itself allowed at Kheda.
- Firmness with compromise: Non-violent pressure that stopped at a real gain, as when Gandhi accepted a 25 per cent refund at Champaran rather than the whole amount.
Why the Early Experiments Mattered
These initiatives in Champaran, Ahmedabad and Kheda marked Gandhi out as a nationalist with a deep sympathy for the poor. They also gave him a band of trusted organisers drawn from the places where the struggles were fought, and first-hand knowledge of what ordinary people would and would not do.
They reached people the older nationalism had not touched, such as indigo tenants, mill workers and cultivators. From 1919 the movement turned to the masses for good, and peasants, artisans and the urban poor played a growing part in it.
They were still local struggles. What they proved was that the method worked on Indian soil, and within a year it was tested across India, in the Rowlatt Satyagraha of 1919 and then the Non-Cooperation Movement. That makes the Rowlatt Satyagraha, not Champaran, Gandhi's first venture in all-India politics.
Previous Year UPSC‑CSE Questions
Each Prelims question is explained option by option, and each Mains question comes with an answer outline.
- UPSC Prelims 2020Indigo cultivation in India declined by the beginning of the 20th century because of
How to approach this Prelims question
Approach: Look for the economic cause, not a political one. By the end of the nineteenth century, synthetic dyes had replaced natural indigo in the world market, which made indigo unprofitable; peasant resistance and government action mattered locally but did not end the crop.
Trap to watch: Students who remember the Champaran struggle pick (a); peasant resistance mattered locally, but the worldwide decline came from synthetic dyes.
Why each option is right or wrong:
- (a) peasant resistance to the oppressive conduct of planters: Wrong. It mattered in places such as Champaran, but it did not end indigo worldwide.
- (b) its unprofitability in the world market because of new inventions: Correct. Synthetic dyes made natural indigo unprofitable.
- (c) national leaders' opposition to the cultivation of indigo: Wrong. The decline was driven by the market, not by leaders' opposition.
- (d) Government control over the planters: Wrong. Government action did not cause the worldwide decline.
Answer: (b) its unprofitability in the world market because of new inventions. Synthetic dyes made natural indigo unprofitable in the world market.
- UPSC Prelims 2018Which one of the following is a very significant aspect of the Champaran Satyagraha?
How to approach this Prelims question
Approach: Ask what Champaran changed for the national movement. It was a local campaign by indigo cultivators against the planters, and its significance was that a peasant grievance entered the national movement under Gandhi's leadership.
Trap to watch: Students who see Champaran as the start of Gandhian mass politics pick (a); it was a local campaign in one district, not all-India participation.
Why each option is right or wrong:
- (a) Active all-India participation of lawyers, students and women in the National Movement: Wrong. Champaran was a local campaign in one district, so "all-India" overstates it.
- (b) Active involvement of Dalit and Tribal communities of India in the National Movement: Wrong. The movement was of the indigo tenants of Champaran, not defined by these communities.
- (c) Joining of peasant unrest to India's National Movement: Correct. Champaran brought the peasants' grievance into the national movement.
- (d) Drastic decrease in the cultivation of plantation crops and commercial crops: Wrong. Indigo had already declined because synthetic dyes replaced it; Champaran did not cause a fall in such crops.
Answer: (c) Joining of peasant unrest to India's National Movement. Champaran brought a peasant grievance into the national movement under Gandhi's leadership.
- UPSC Prelims 2011What was the reason for Mahatma Gandhi to organize a satyagraha on behalf of the peasants of Kheda?
- The Administration did not suspend the land revenue collection in spite of a drought.
- The Administration proposed to introduce Permanent Settlement in Gujarat.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
How to approach this Prelims question
Approach: Recall the actual grievance at Kheda in 1918. Crops failed, and remission, the reduction or cancellation of land revenue in a year of crop failure, was due when the yield fell below one-fourth; the administration refused it, so statement 1 holds. Nothing about extending the Permanent Settlement to Gujarat was involved, so statement 2 is invented.
Trap to watch: Students who link land revenue with the Permanent Settlement pick (c); no plan to extend it to Gujarat was part of the Kheda dispute.
Why each option is right or wrong:
- (a) 1 only: Correct. Revenue collection was not suspended despite the crop failure.
- (b) 2 only: Wrong. There was no proposal to introduce the Permanent Settlement in Gujarat.
- (c) Both 1 and 2: Wrong. It includes the invented statement 2.
- (d) Neither 1 nor 2: Wrong. Statement 1 is the real grievance.
Answer: (a) 1 only. The administration refused the remission the revenue code allowed after the crop failure; no Permanent Settlement was proposed.
- UPSC Prelims 2010Consider the following statements:
- Dr. Rajendra Prasad persuaded Mahatma Gandhi to come to Champaran to investigate the problem of peasants.
- Acharya J. B. Kripalani was one of Mahatma Gandhi's colleagues in his Champaran investigation.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
How to approach this Prelims question
Approach: Separate who brought Gandhi to Champaran from who worked with him there. Raj Kumar Shukla, a cultivator from the district, approached Gandhi at the Lucknow Congress of December 1916 and persuaded him to come, so statement 1 is false. J. B. Kripalani, with Rajendra Prasad, joined Gandhi's inquiry, so statement 2 is true.
Trap to watch: Students who know Rajendra Prasad worked at Champaran pick (c), taking statement 1 as true; it was Raj Kumar Shukla who brought Gandhi there.
Why each option is right or wrong:
- (a) 1 only: Wrong. Statement 1 is false, because Raj Kumar Shukla, not Rajendra Prasad, brought Gandhi to Champaran.
- (b) 2 only: Correct. Kripalani was one of Gandhi's colleagues in the Champaran investigation.
- (c) Both 1 and 2: Wrong. It includes the false statement 1.
- (d) Neither 1 nor 2: Wrong. Statement 2 is true.
Answer: (b) 2 only. Raj Kumar Shukla, not Rajendra Prasad, brought Gandhi to Champaran, and Kripalani was a colleague in the inquiry.
- UPSC Prelims 2009Who of the following founded the Ahmedabad Textile Labour Association?
How to approach this Prelims question
Approach: Link the 1918 Ahmedabad mill strike to the union that grew out of it. In 1920 the Ahmedabad Textile Labour Association, the Majoor Mahajan Sangh, was founded under Gandhi's guidance with Anasuya Sarabhai, whom he made its lifelong president. Of the four names offered, only Gandhi is part of its founding.
Trap to watch: Students who know N. M. Joshi as a pioneer of Indian trade unions pick (c); he started the All India Trade Union Congress in 1920 with Lala Lajpat Rai, not the Ahmedabad association.
Why each option is right or wrong:
- (a) Mahatma Gandhi: Correct. The association grew out of the strike he led in 1918 and was founded in 1920 under his guidance.
- (b) Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel: Wrong. His early work with Gandhi was the Kheda satyagraha, not the Ahmedabad union.
- (c) N. M. Joshi: Wrong. He was not among the founders of the Ahmedabad association.
- (d) J. B. Kripalani: Wrong. He worked with Gandhi in the Champaran inquiry, not in founding the Ahmedabad union.
Answer: (a) Mahatma Gandhi. The association grew out of the 1918 strike and was founded in 1920 under Gandhi's guidance, with Anasuya Sarabhai as president.
- UPSC Prelims 2007At which one of the following places did Mahatma Gandhi first start his Satyagraha in India?
How to approach this Prelims question
Approach: Put the four places in order. Champaran came in 1917, Ahmedabad and Kheda in 1918, and Bardoli in 1928, so the first of them, Champaran, is where Gandhi first started satyagraha in India.
Trap to watch: Students who know Gujarat as Gandhi's home region pick (a) or (d); Ahmedabad and Kheda came a year after Champaran.
Why each option is right or wrong:
- (a) Ahmedabad: Wrong. The mill strike was in 1918, after Champaran.
- (b) Bardoli: Wrong. Patel led it in 1928.
- (c) Champaran: Correct. The Champaran Satyagraha of 1917 was Gandhi's first in India.
- (d) Kheda: Wrong. It followed in 1918.
Answer: (c) Champaran. The Champaran Satyagraha of 1917 came before Ahmedabad and Kheda in 1918 and Bardoli in 1928.
- UPSC Prelims 2005Which one of the following pairs are correctly matched? Movement / Satyagraha Person Actively Associated With
- Champaran Rajendra Prasad
- Ahmedabad Mill Workers Morarji Desai
- Kheda Vallabhbhai Patel
Select the correct answer using the codes given below:
How to approach this Prelims question
Approach: Place each person in the campaign he actually worked in. Rajendra Prasad worked with Gandhi in the Champaran inquiry, and Vallabhbhai Patel joined Gandhi at Kheda, so pairs 1 and 3 hold. The Ahmedabad mill workers were organised by Anasuya Sarabhai; Morarji Desai had no role in the 1918 strike, so pair 2 fails.
Trap to watch: Students who link Morarji Desai with Gujarat pick (a) or (d), keeping pair 2; the Ahmedabad workers were organised by Anasuya Sarabhai, and Desai had no part in the 1918 strike.
Why each option is right or wrong:
- (a) 1 and 2: Wrong. Pair 2 is false, because the mill workers were organised by Anasuya Sarabhai, not Morarji Desai.
- (b) 2 and 3: Wrong. It includes the false pair 2 and leaves out the true pair 1.
- (c) 1 and 3: Correct. Rajendra Prasad worked at Champaran and Vallabhbhai Patel at Kheda.
- (d) 1, 2 and 3: Wrong. Pair 2 is false.
Answer: (c) 1 and 3. Rajendra Prasad worked in the Champaran inquiry and Vallabhbhai Patel at Kheda, while Morarji Desai had no role in the Ahmedabad strike.
- UPSC Prelims 2000After returning from South Africa, Gandhiji launched his first successful Satyagraha in
How to approach this Prelims question
Approach: Put the four campaigns in order after Gandhi's return in 1915. He took up the Champaran indigo tenants' case in 1917, and the tinkathia system was abolished and a quarter of the illegal dues refunded. The other options came later: Chauri Chaura in 1922, Bardoli in 1928 and Dandi in 1930.
Trap to watch: Students who remember Bardoli and Dandi as famous successes pick (d) or (b); both came more than a decade after Champaran.
Why each option is right or wrong:
- (a) Chauri-Chaura: Wrong. The violence there in 1922 led Gandhi to call off the Non-Cooperation Movement.
- (b) Dandi: Wrong. The Salt March to Dandi was in 1930.
- (c) Champaran: Correct. In 1917 it was his first satyagraha in India, and it won its demands.
- (d) Bardoli: Wrong. The Bardoli Satyagraha of 1928 was led by Vallabhbhai Patel.
Answer: (c) Champaran. The Champaran Satyagraha of 1917 came first and won its demands.
- UPSC Prelims 1999The first venture of Gandhi in all-India politics was the
How to approach this Prelims question
Approach: Separate local campaigns from all-India ones. Champaran (1917) was confined to one district of Bihar, so it was not an all-India venture. Gandhi's first nationwide campaign was the satyagraha he called in 1919 against the Rowlatt Act; Non-Cooperation followed in 1920 and the Dandi March in 1930.
Trap to watch: Students who remember Champaran as Gandhi's first satyagraha in India pick (c); it was local, and the first all-India venture came in 1919.
Why each option is right or wrong:
- (a) Non-cooperation Movement: Wrong. It began in 1920, after the Rowlatt Satyagraha.
- (b) Rowlatt Satyagraha: Correct. In 1919 Gandhi launched a nationwide satyagraha against the Rowlatt Act.
- (c) Champaran Movement: Wrong. It was his first satyagraha in India, but a local one in a district of Bihar.
- (d) Dandi March: Wrong. It came in 1930, more than a decade later.
Answer: (b) Rowlatt Satyagraha. The 1919 satyagraha against the Rowlatt Act was Gandhi's first campaign across India.
- UPSC Mains 2026 GS‑IThe significance of the Gandhian movements lay in the masses they mobilized. Elucidate.
Answer outline
The outline sets out what the question asks, the main arguments, relevant examples and the direction of the conclusion; it is not a full model answer.
Introduction: Before Gandhi, Indian nationalism was largely a movement of lawyers, doctors and landlords.
Body (sub-themes to develop):
- Early experiments: Champaran tenants, Ahmedabad mill workers and Kheda cultivators drawn in for real gains.
- Method: Non-violent satyagraha that ordinary people could join and sustain.
- From 1919: Peasants, artisans and the urban poor played a growing part in national campaigns.
- Limit: Local struggles first; the masses had to be organised campaign by campaign.
Conclusion: Mobilising the masses gave the movement its numbers and its moral force.
- UPSC Mains 2015 GS‑IHow different would have been the achievement of Indian independence without Mahatma Gandhi? Discuss.
Answer outline
Introduction: Gandhi turned nationalism into a mass movement through a new method, satyagraha.
Body (sub-themes to develop):
- His unique contribution: Satyagraha as a mass, non-violent technique, proved first at Champaran, Ahmedabad and Kheda.
- Reach: He drew peasants, workers and women into politics as the earlier leadership had not.
- Counter-view: Structural forces (the war, the economy, world decolonisation) and other leaders also mattered.
- Balance: Freedom may have come regardless, but its mass, non-violent character was distinctly Gandhian.
Conclusion: Independence might have come without him, but not in the same mass, non-violent form.
Sources
- NCERT: Themes in Indian History Part III (Class XII, 2026‑27), Mahatma Gandhi and the Nationalist Movement
- NCERT: India and the Contemporary World II (Class X, 2026‑27), Nationalism in India
- NCERT: Exploring Society, India and Beyond Part II (Class VIII, 2026‑27), India's Long Road to Independence
- NCERT: Exploring Society, India and Beyond Part I (Class VIII, 2026‑27), The Colonial Era in India
- All India Radio News: Nation marks 108th anniversary of Champaran Satyagraha (10 April 2026)
- PIB New India Samachar: 16‑31 May 2023 issue, Pandit Rajkumar Shukla, Hero of Champaran Satyagraha
- Central Bureau of Communication: Mann Ki Baat, October 2025 issue, Kheda Satyagraha of 1918
- Wikipedia: Champaran Satyagraha
- Wikipedia: Tinkathia System
- Wikipedia: Raj Kumar Shukla
- Wikipedia: Kheda Satyagraha of 1918
- Wikipedia: Anasuya Sarabhai
- Wikipedia: Vallabhbhai Patel
- Wikipedia: J. B. Kripalani
- Wikipedia: Anugrah Narayan Sinha
- Wikipedia: Brajkishore Prasad
- Wikipedia: Rajendra Prasad
- Union Public Service Commission: Previous question papers
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